|  
      
      
         | 
     
      
          
       
              
             | 
    Psellus on Demons    
        
      A translation of Michael Psellus' oft-cited  Dialogue of the Operation of Demons has not been made available on the web, although innumerable other classic texts on the subject have. As I happened to have a xerox copy (courtsey of my old friend Stephen Skinner) of the rare 1843 Collison translation of the Dialogue into English, I though it might be useful to transcribe this interesting text for other readers.  
      I have transcribed what I could, and the main text is pretty much complete, although I cannot guarantee the Latin or Greek. In addition, there are two passages in Latin that Mr. Collison dared not render into English. My wife, who was a classics major years ago, has made a stab at what these say, but if anyone could improve upon these notes and send us the translation, we would be very grateful. 
       
    PSELLUS’ DIALOGUE 
ON THE 
OPERATION OF DAEMONS (2)   
     
    11 
  able with the power and beneficence of the Supreme, why may  not the doctrine be laid down? Will it be said that such a supposition is  irreconcilable with the immutability and permanency of the Divine laws? Will  those who make such objections assert, that the superficial knowledge they may  have acquired of nature’s laws warrants them in saying that they understand the  Divine laws?—who can tell all the causes that lead to any one, even the  most insignificant, event?—and who can tell but that the laws of nature,  without our perceiving it, are controlled by daemonic agency? We only can see a  few of the links—we cannot see all the links of the chain that lead to any one  result. 
     It may be proper here to examine the Heathen notion of the  word daemon, by which means (mutatis mutandis) we will be better able to understand  its scriptural application. Its etymology conveys the idea of either an acute  intelligence or an appointed agent; but as these may exist separately, in  distinct beings, or combined in the same being, it is obvious mere etymology  cannot guide us to a safe conclusion in our enquiry. Homer applies the epithet  daemons in more than one instance, to the dii majorum getium (Iliad,  v.222); but whether he regarded the dii majorum getium as an inferior  order of beings, subordinate to a superior intelligence, or heroes advance to  this eminence, or merely applied this term as suitable, in its primary sense of  an acute intelligence, to beings of the very first order, is somewhat doubtful.  The scholiast seems to favor the view last mentioned (Hom. Iliad. Cantab. 1711,  vers. 222). We cannot but be persuaded that Homer considered all the gods and  goddesses of human origin, and occasionally gave glimpses of his opinion on  this point, though he dared not openly to avow his sentiments. One very  striking instance of this furtive way of insinuating his private opinions we  have in the 22nd book of the Iliad, 74th line, where,  speaking of a river in the Troade, he says, Ον Νανθον καλιεουσι Θεοι, ανδρες δε  Σκαμανδρον, / 
      12 
“which the Gods call Xanthus, but men Scamander;” Xanthus  being the name by which the ancients designated the river, he almost says the  ancients and gods are convertible terms. It may be objected “can Jupiter  himself be included under this idea—Jupiter, to whom almighty power and supreme  dominion are attributed, and who is styled by the poets, “the father of the  gods and men, the greatest and best of beings?”  De La Motte’s reply to Madame Dacier is here very apposite—“What!  Could Homer seriously believe Jupiter to be the creator of gods and men? Could  he think him the father of his own father Saturn, whom he drove out of heaven,  or of Juno, his sister and his wife, of Neptune and Pluto, his brothers, or of  the nymphs who had charge of him in his childhood, or of the giants who made  war upon him, and would have dethroned him, if they had been then arrived at  the age of manhood? How well his actions justify the Latin epithets, optimus, maximus, most gracious, most mighty, so often given him, all the world  knows.” (De La Critique, seconde partie, Des Dieux.) On the whole, we are  rather inclined to think that Homer considered all gods (the dii majorum  gentium not excepted) as daemons of human origin. Hesiod follows next in  order of time; he seems decidedly of the opinion that all the gods were  daemons, and originally human; he intimates that the daemons were men of the  golden age, who lived under Saturn   and were protectors of mankind (φυλαχας των θνητων ανθρωπων.  (Vide Scholiast. on Homer’s Iliad, A. 222). Socrates sentiments on this  subject, as also those of Plato and his immediate disciples, may be gathered  from the following extract from Plato’s Cratylus “Soc. What shall we  consider next? Hermogenes. Daemons, to be sure, and heroes, and men. Soc.  Let it be daemons, then, and with what propriety they are so named. Consider,  Hermogenes, if I say ought worthy of your attention as to what might have been  the sense of the word daemon. Hermog. Proceed. Soc. Are you aware  that Hesiod says / 
      13 
      certain are daemons? Hermog. I don’t remember it. Soc.  Nor that he says the first generation of men were golden? Herm. I know  that, in all events. Soc. Well, then, he speaks thus respecting it:— 
‘When destiny concealed this generation 
      They were called pure subterranean Intelligences*  (Daimones), 
      Excellent, Averters of evil, protectors of mortal men.’ 
      Herm. What then, pray? Soc. I think he calls a  generation, the golden [generation], not as produced from gold, but because  excellent and glorious; and I conjecture that it is for analogous reasons he  says we are an iron generation. Herm. You say the truth. Soc. You  think, then, he would say, if anyone of the present age were excellent, he  belonged to the golden age? Herm. It is but the natural inference. Soc.  Who are excellent but the wise? Herm. The wise, none else. Soc.  This, therefore, he specially intimates respecting Intelligences, that he  designated them Intelligences because wise and intelligent, and in our ancient  speech the word occurs. Accordingly, not only Hesiod, but many other poets  also, calls them appropriately thus. How many, too, are in the habit of saying  when a good man dies, that he obtains a glorious lot, and dignity, and becomes  an intelligence, designating him thus owing to his wisdom? In the same manner,  I aver that the intelligent man is every good man, and that the same, whether  living or dead, is intellectual, and is correctly called an  intelligence.”—Plutarch, who flourished in the second century, gives the  following as his doctrine of daemons:— “According to a divine nature and  justice, the souls of virtuous men are advanced to the rank or daemons; if they  are properly purified, they are exalted into gods, not by any political institution,  but according to right reason.” The same author says in another place, (de Isis  / 
      *We have rendered this word, δαιμονς, intelligences, and will throughout. Were we to render it daemons, it would be impossible to convey the agreeable play on the word which afterward occurs.   
      14 
      et Osirus, p.361), that Isis and Osirus were for their  virtue changed into gods, as were Hercules and Bacchus afterwards, receiving  the united honors of both gods and daemons. 
      From these data we conclude that the word daemon, as  signifying in its abstract sense an intelligence, was occasionally applied from  the earliest time to deities of the very first order, but afterward came to be  appropriated to deified men; and that the heathen (philosophers excepted)  believed in no being identical with or bearing the slightest resemblance to our  God. In the language of one who cannot be suspected of any partiality to  Christianity, they were “a kind of superstitious atheists, who acknowledged  no being that correspond to our idea of a deity.” (Nat. Hist. of Rel.,  sect. iv.) 
     The heathen did not pretend to be acquainted with all the  existing daemons or intelligences. So sensible were the Greeks of their  ignorance on this head, that they actually had, in Paul’s day, an altar at  Athens with the inscription, “To an unknown god.” They though by this  contrivance to obviate any bad results that might accrue from their ignorance,  and secure to every daemon or intelligence a due share of honor. Paul  accordingly, with ingenious artifice, takes advantage of the circumstance to  introduce Jesus to their notice as a daemon* or intelli- / 
        * It seems probable that the line of conduct pursued by the  Apostle on this occasion was suggested by that remark of the Athenians  themselves, “he seems to be a setter forth of strange intelligences,” (usually  rendered daemons); because he preached to them τον Ιησυν και την Λνσατασιν, Jesus  and Resurrection, they conceived Jesus to be a male intelligence, and  Resurrection; Anastasin, to be a female intelligence, according to the custom  deifying abstract qualities, and making them gods and goddesses as suited the  gender of the name. Nor can the conduct of the Apostle be termed with any  propriety, “a pious fraud”. ‘Tis true that though the term daemon in its  primary use signifies intelligence, his auditors would be very apt to take the  term in its more extended sense. The Apostle, however, could not justly be held  responsible for the acceptation in which they chose to take his words; yet it  must be admitted that / 
      15 
      gence they were unconsciously worshipping. He thus  apologizes on Mars’s Hill (Acts xxvii.21):—“Men of Athens, I perceive that in everything  you somewhat surpass in the worship of daemons (κατα παντα ως  δεισδαιμονεστερους*); for as I passed by, and beheld your devotions, I found an  altar with this inscription, “to an unknown God;” whom therefore you ignorantly  worship, Him I then declare unto you.” In this apology the word daemon does  not convey the idea of either an impure nor malignant being, but simply of an  intelligence. 
     It can hardly be questioned but that the heathen, when  worshipping deified men as daemons, were really worshipping beings that had no  existence but in their own imaginations; and that in so doing, though they  could not be said to worship any particular daemon, yet might they with  propriety be called worshippers of daemons, beings which, whether real or  imaginary, were confessedly inferior to the Supreme. In this seems to lie the  force of the Apostle’s remark (1st. Cor. x., 19,20.) “What say I, then? that  the idol is anything? but I say that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice  they sacrifice to daemons, and not to God, and I would not that you should have  fellowship with / 
        the Apostle did not in this instance state the whole truth,  but merely as much as suited his immediate purpose of extricating himself from  the power of those fanatical philosophers. His principal object seems to have  been to show on their own principles, which admitted a multiplicity of gods,  and regarded without jealously the gods of other nations, they could not in  justice or consistency punish him for preaching a God they had never heard of  before, even Jesus. With a similar tact the Apostle rescued himself from the  malice of the Jews, when arraigned before the High Priest, by avowing himself a  Pharisee, and insisting that the doctrine of a future resurrection was the  great matter of dispute; but this, as in the former instance, was not the whole  truth; it answered, however, the Apostle’s purpose by creating a division in  his favour. Surely this was the wisdom of the serpent without its venom.  
        * The Athenians gloried in the fact that they were  δενσιδαμονιστιρους than the other states of Greece, and must have considered  the Apostle’s language highly complimentary. 
      16 
      daemons. You cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup  of daemons. As the Apostle had said, “do I mean to assert that an idol is intrinsically anything?  by no means; the veriest tyro  in the school of Christ knows that an idol, for eyes they have and see not,  &c.; but while I grant this, I still maintain that the things the Gentiles  sacrifice they sacrifice to daemons, of which the idols are symbolic  representations.” Possibly the particular daemon intended by the idol might  have no existence, but idols may be considered with propriety to represent the  class, viz., beings intermediate between God and man, inferior to the former,  but superior to the latter; “for to all whom come under the description, real  or imaginary, good or bad, the name daemons (intelligences) is promiscuously  applied. The reality of such intermediary order of beings revelation everywhere  supposed, and rational theism does not contradict. Now it is the kind expressed in the definition now given that the pagan deities are represented as  corresponding, and not individually to particular daemons actually  existing. To say, therefore, that the Gentiles sacrifice to daemons is no more  that to say that they sacrifice to beings which, real or imaginary, we  perceive, from their own account of them, to lie below the Supreme.” (Campb.,  Diss. vi., p. 1, §15.) 
     It may be asked, of what practical utility is a work of this  nature—of what practical importance can it be whether we believe or disbelieve  the existence of daemons? We humbly conceive it is not optional for us to treat  any portion of divine truth as unimportant, because we cannot see its practical  bearing on the conduct. If it can be unequivocally shown from the Word of God  that daemons exist, the belief of the fact belongs to us, the utility belongs  to Him that permits it. At the same time, we cannot forebear observing that, if  it be a work of utility to throw light, in the least degree, on any portion of  the Word of God, and to rescue a term or a passage from a perverted/ 
      17 
      use, then we flatter ourselves such ends may be in some  measure effected by the publication of Psellus’ work; but if there were no  other reason for its publication than a desire to communicate the arguments  with which, in those comparatively early times, men of a philosophic turn of  mind fortified themselves in the belief of daemoniacal possessions (as well as  in the Apostolic as in their own time), we conceive that none could justly  condemn such a laudable motive. Surely a supercilious contempt for the Anakim  of ancient literature, which would censure them unheard, or cosign their  writings to oblivion, is no mark of liberality or wisdom in the present age./ 
      18 
     MICHAEL PSELLUS’ DIALOGUE, 
      BETWEEN 
      TIMOTHY AND THRACIAN, 
      ON THE OPERATION OF DEMONS, 
      Versus Manes and the Euchitae (a.) 
    Timothy.—Is it long Thracian, since you visited Byzantium? 
     Thracian.—Yes, it is long, Timothy; two years perhaps, or  more: I have been abroad. 
     Timothy.—But where, and why, and engaged in what business,  were you away so long? 
     Thracian.—The questions you put would take too long to  answer just now; I must devise Alcinous’ narrative (b) if I was obliged to  particularize every thing I was present at, and every thing I endured, while  constrained to associate with impious characters—those Euchitae, or, as many  call them, Enthusiasts—have you not heard of them at all? 
     Timothy.—Why, I understand there amongst us individuals as  godless as they are absurd, and that in the midst of the sacred quire,* (to  speak in comedian style;) but as to their dogmas, their customs, their laws,  their proceedings, their discourses, I have not yet been able to learn anything  about them; wherefore I beg you to tell me most explicitly whatever you know,  if you are disposed to oblige an intimate acquaintance, I will even add, a  friend. 
     Thracian.—Even have it so, friend Timothy, though / 
        * in holy orders. 
      19  
      it be enough to give one a head-ache if he attempt to  describe the outlandish doctrines and doing of daemonry; and though you cannot  possibly derive any advantage from such description—for, if it be true what  Simonides says, (c) that the statement of facts is their delineation, and  that therefore the statement of profitable facts must be profitable, and the statement  of unprofitable facts must be the opposite—what possible benefit could you  possibly derive from my delineating their seductive statements? 
     Timothy.—Nay, but I shall be greatly benefited, Thracian,  surely it is not unserviceable for physicians to be acquainted with the drugs  of a deadly nature, that so none might be endangered by their use: besides,  some of the particulars, at all events, will not be unprofitable. We have our  choice, therefore, either to carry off from your disquisition what is profitable,  or to be on our guard of it if it have anything pernicious.  
     Thracian.—Agreed, my friend: you shall hear (as the poet  says) truths certainly, but most unpleasant ones: but if my narrative avert to  certain unseemly proceedings, I require of you, in common justice, not to be  angry with me who relate them, but those who do them. This execrable doctrine  had its rise with Manes* the Maniac, from him their (the Euchitae)  multitudinous origins flowed down from a foetid fountain, for according to the  accursed Manes,† there were two origins of all things:/ 
        *Here there is an obvious play on the word Manes, which we  have endeavored to preserve, in some measure in the translation; the Greek reads παρα Μανεντος του μανεντος: this description of punning is very ancient. The Jews, playing on the word Beelzebul, signifying God of Heaven, converted it into Beelzebub, God of the Dunghill, he being supposed the god of the fly, that delights in odure. 
† The Greek reads επηρτω, which signifies lovely; we cannot but think this either a typographical error, or an error of some transcriber, and that the word, in the original MS., was επαρατω, which signifies acursed: this view is countenanced by the Latin translators, employing, as the synonym, intestabilis.  
      20 
      he, with senseless impiety, opposed a god, the author of  evil, to God, the Creator of every good—a ruler of the wickedness of the  Terrestrials, to the bounteous Ruler of the Celestials. But the daemoniacal  Euchitae have adopted yet a third origin; according to them, two sons, with  their father, make the senior and the junior origin; to the father they have  assigned the supra-mundane region solely, to the younger son the atmospheric  region, and to the elder the government of the things of the world—a theory  which differs in nothing from the Greek mythology, according to which the  universe is portioned out in three parts. These rotten-minded men, having laid  this rotten foundation, thus far are unanimous in their sentiments; but from  this point are divided in their judgments into three parties: some yield  worship to both sons, maintaining, that though they are at variance, yet that  both are equally deserving of being worshipped, because they are sprung from  one parent, and will yet be reconciled. But others serve the younger son as  being governor of the superior region, which extends immediately over the  earth: and yet they do not absolutely disdain the elder son, but are on their  guard of him, as one who has it in his power to do them injury; while the third  party, who are further sunk in impiety, withdraw altogether from the worship of  the celestial son, and enshrine in their hearts, the earthly alone, even Satan,  dignifying him with the most august names, as, the First-Begotten, Estranged  from the Father, the Creator of Plants and Animals, and the rest of the  compound beings. Preferring to make suit to him who is the Destroyer and  Murderer, gracious God! how many insults do they make the Celestial, whom they  pronounce envious, an unnatural persecutor of his brother, (who administers  judiciously the government of the world) and aver, that it is his being puffed  up with envy occasions earthquakes and hail and famine, on which account they  imprecate on him, as well as other anathemas, as in particular, that horrible  one! ********* / 
    < 1 2 3 4 5 6 >   |